The United States now has the dubious distinction of being the most anti-union of all industrialized counties. The proportion of the private work force that bargains collectively with management has plummeted from 30 percent in the mid-1950s to 12 percent in 1990.
At this rate, by the end of this decade unions outside of the public sector will be little more than a memory.Many Americans, counseled by much of the business community and the White House, might say good riddance. No unions means productivity, more innovation, greater competitiveness. Right?
Wrong. "The most competitive national economies," a recent Harvard Business Review article concludes, have "far higher levels of unionization than in the United States."
In these countries unions are at the table when fundamental decisions affecting labor are made. The result is that workers are treated with a dignity that is downright un-American.
In Sweden, union stewards can close a plant they believe is unsafe. In the United States in 1989 alone, more than 3,600 workers filed appeals with the federal government for being fired for protesting unsafe working conditions.
Swedish managers can't lay off anyone without one month's notice, six months for employees over 45. The average blue-collar worker in this country in the late 1980s received only seven days' notice before losing his or her job; two days when not backed by a union.
German corporations with more than 1,000 employees must have an equal number of labor and management representatives on the board of directors. But suggest to American managers that even one worker representative be on their boards and they go ballistic.
Employees at Pacific Enterprises, a utility holding company, own about 21 percent of the company's stock; board and officers own only 1.5 percent. Yet when the Utility Workers Union of America recently put up a candidate for one of 15 seats on the board, management spent $260,000 in a successful effort to defeat him. CEO Richard Farman insists, "I do not believe that a union leader can serve on the board without placing himself in the position of creating a conflict of interest."
Most American managers treat labor not as a partner but as the enemy.
In countries where labor has power, it has respect. And since more than 90 percent of us are workers, that respect spills over from the workplace to the entire society. It is no accident that the United States, where labor has the least power, is the only industrialized country lacking universal health insurance.
When labor has power, there is less, not more, violent confrontation with management. As St. Paul. Minn., business consultant Ron Bosrock has pointed out, "In the U.S. we measure lost time from strikes in days or weeks per year. Austria measures theirs in minutes per year."
In the 1980s American business and government succeeded in virtually destroying the influence of workers. Before we call that a victory, we would do well to reflect that on the experience of other countries, where high standards of living and competitive and innovative economies are not only compatible with, but are based on, worker power.
(David Morris, an author, lecturer and consultant, is a columnist for the Saint Paul, Minn., Pioneer Press.)