President Boris Yeltsin unveiled a draft constitution for Russia on Nov. 9, and many intellectuals at home and abroad said it shifted too much power from parliament to the presidency.
The complaints may be misguided. The proposed basic law borrows heavily from the French and U.S. constitutions, and people do not seriously accuse Francois Mitterrand and Bill Clinton of running dictatorships.If Russia's voters approve the document on Dec. 12, the same day they elect a new legislature, Yeltsin at last will gain levers to guide the economy. This will give some hope of success to his reforms.
He will, for instance, appoint the head of the central bank, a presidential prerogative in almost every modern state.
Under the manic system that existed before Yeltsin shelled parliament into submission on Oct. 4, the central bank answered to that anti-reform body. Its wild ruble-printing caused hyperinflation and poverty.
Yeltsin and his successors also will appoint high court judges, which is common in other countries. Previously the Constitutional Court was beholden to reactionary parliamentary leaders, and gave them the rulings they desired.
Under the draft, Yeltsin is to serve until his current term expires in June 1996. Future presidents will be limited to two four-year terms, as in America. After Mitterrand, French presidents can serve two five-year terms; he was elected to two seven-year terms - too long.
As in many parliamentary systems, Russia's chief of state will name a prime minister, who must be approved by parliament. If it rejects three straight prime ministerial nominees, the president can dissolve the body and call new elections, which seems reasonable.
Despite worries about presidential powers, the prime minister shapes up as a strong executive. He is to name Cabinet ministers and to replace the president if the office becomes vacant. (With unfond memories of Alexander Rutskoi, who led the armed revolt against him, Yeltsin has eliminated the vice-presidency.)
Again, as in most countries, the legislature will have two houses: a lower house, the State Duma, and an upper one, the Federation Council. The Duma's 450 members are to be directly elected. The council's 178 members will be chosen half by the administrators of the regions and ethnic republics and half by the legislatures of those areas.
The president will have much clout in the council, and thus there should be no frivolous attempts to impeach him, which was a hobby of the old parliament.
In a major departure from the communist past, the draft specifies the right to own property, business and, most important, land, which in time could revolutionize agriculture.
Unfortunately, it also engages in bombast - guaranteeing freedom of speech, religion, assembly and travel, free education, free medical care, a clean environment, affordable housing and protection against unemployment. All are, of course, desirable, but Moscow cannot deliver everything soon.
Because of past deceits, many Russians are cynical about such promises. The Stalin constitution enshrined human rights, but when the warped tyrant muttered "Shoot that traitor," the secret police did. The Brezhnev constitution also made many unkept pledges.
The new Yeltsin constitution could be a roadmap to democracy or another betrayal. In Russia, everything depends on how leaders behave, not on what they write on paper.
(B.J. Cutler is foreign affairs columnist for Scripps Howard News Service.)