Having lost his 21st primary in a row, Pat Buchanan escalated his demands. On Super Tuesday, having lost Texas and Florida and Mississippi by more than 35 points to Bob Dole, Buchanan demanded that the Republican Party "rewrite its platform to reflect the themes of the Buchanan campaign." In New York, home to Buchanan's fabled "financiers," they call this chutzpah.
Buchanan's chutzpah is matched by the timidity of the Republican establishment in facing him down. So much gnashing of teeth about how to handle him. Why?With more than half of the delegates to the Republican National Convention already chosen - over 1,000 - Buchanan has a grand total of 93. By the time it is all over Dole's delegates in San Diego will outnumber Buchanan's by 13 to 1. Why the fear and trembling?
Buchanan, it has been observed often and correctly, is the Republicans' Jesse Jackson. The Democratic nominees who tried to appease Jackson - Mondale and Dukakis - were soundly defeated. It is no accident that the one Democrat who stood up to him, Bill Clinton, went on to win the presidency. Standing up to Jackson allowed Clinton to claim the center - where presidential elections are won.
Clinton calculatedly dissed Jackson by way of Sister Souljah. It was a deft maneuver. But Dole does not have to dis Buchanan. Ignoring him will do just fine. Let Buchanan come to Dole on Dole's terms.
More likely, however, Buchanan will come into San Diego vainglorious as ever. He will also be sporting a primary record of one win and about 42 losses. In baseball, they send you to AA ball after a season like that. Buchanan will demand prime time. Dole should offer to let him spout and stomp on a Tuesday at 2 p.m.
He'll walk? Let him walk. In San Diego, Buchanan will have about 7 percent or 8 percent of the delegates. Not exactly a stampede. And would Dole really lose them?
It is not as if Dole has no appeal to the Buchanan constituency. In the Super Tuesday states the majority of those voters who identified themselves as "very con-ser-va-tive" preferred Dole to Buchanan. Likewise those who identified themselves as "Christian conservatives." Not surprising. On welfare reform, smaller government, cutting taxes, Hollywood corruption, school choice, religion in the public square, Dole entirely satisfies the Buchanan constituency.
What is left then? Protectionism? Dole and his party are hardly going to abandon their 40-year stand on that. Moreover, Dole has a better answer for the "stagnant wage" problem than pitchfork protectionism: tax cuts. Restore part of the wage earner's paycheck that government steals and, infallibly, take-home pay rises.
Abortion? Dole has already adopted about as hard a line as one can on the issue. What then? The abortion stance of his running mate? Indeed, Buchanan was implying on Super Tuesday night that he is in the race to prevent a pro-choice Republican like Colin Powell from getting on the ticket.
That is perhaps what Buchanan's grandiose struggle for the "heart and soul of the Republican Party" will whittle down to: blocking Powell for No. 2.
What an opportunity for Dole: Powell vs. Buchanan, war hero vs. street brawler, the man with the highest positive ratings in national politics vs. the man with the highest negatives. Tough choice, the equivalent of trading Joe Blow to get Joe Montana.
True, defying Buchanan would lose Dole some fringe right-wing support. But like Harry Truman in 1948 defying Strom Thurmond's Dixiecrats on the right and Henry Wallace's fellow travelers on the left, such a move stakes a powerful claim on the center. And Dole already has the Republican right-of-center. He's got everyone from Arlen Specter to John McCain.
So he'll lose Gary Bauer and the more single-minded pro-lifers. Big deal. Think of what he'll gain. Powell would appeal to suburbanite Republicans, moderate Democrats, independents, Perot voters and, most historically, a significant number of blacks.
Dole might also consider a refinement on a Dole-Powell ticket suggested some months ago in this column: Offer Powell the vice presidency and the secretaryship of state. Aside from making the offer impossible for Powell to refuse, this idea has two advantages.
First, it would help deflect the abortion issue, Powell quite plausibly claiming that whatever his personal views on the matter his attention in the Dole administration would be directed elsewhere, namely at restoring American credibility abroad. Which brings up advantage No. 2: Powell (as opposed to, say, some Midwestern governor as running mate) would be in a position to make foreign policy - and Clinton's lack of it - a major campaign issue.
With China defying us, Cuba mocking us, Russia returning to authoritarianism (at best) or communism (at worst), the Clinton record abroad is a ripe target. Dole-Powell could campaign vigorously on restoring American standing and prestige, on rescuing us from the hand-holding, sentry-duty, peacekeeping passivity that Warren Christopher and Tony Lake have reduced us to.
Powell or Buchanan? There hasn't been an easier choice since the Yankees got Babe Ruth for a mess of pottage.
Washington Post Writers Group