On April 2, 1982, Argentine military forces invaded the Falkland Islands, a British colony for a century and a half. The move was seen as an act of naked aggression by the Argentines, and Britain chose to fight to reclaim the islands.
The early 19th century saw both Britain and Spain lay claim to the Falkland Islands, and upon gaining its independence from Spain in 1820, Argentina inherited the Spanish claim on islands they called the Malvinas. In the years following World War II, Argentina had requested that the Falklands be returned to them within the context of increasingly anti-colonialist policies around the world. In 1965, the United Nations passed Resolution 2065, which encouraged Britain and Argentina to negotiate a settlement to the dispute.
The year 1966 saw negotiations begin in earnest between the two nations, though they continued, seemingly without any breakthroughs, until 1980. Many in the British Foreign Office and other government bodies believed Britain would be better off without the expense and headache of governing the faraway colonies. A powerful Falkland lobby in London, including important business interests, managed to derail the idea of simply handing the islands over to Argentina. Public figures offered different proposals, such as giving the islands to Argentina, but leasing them back to Britain, which would remain in de facto control. These schemes came to nothing.
Adding to the problem was the unstable power structure within Argentina itself. Since the mid-1970s a series of military juntas had ruled the nation, and in December 1981, Gen. Leopoldo Galtieri became the central leader of the regime. The head of the Argentine navy, Adm. Jorge Anaya, proved one of Galtieri's key supporters and perhaps pressured the new leader into backing the admiral's long-held designs upon reclaiming the Malvinas.
Many in Buenos Aires believed that Britain would ultimately be grateful to have the problematic colony taken off of its hands. The junta was encouraged by the fact that morale in the Royal Navy was low, with many sailors having to take on second jobs while in port in order to make ends meet. Additionally, they believed that the United States, which needed Argentine influence in Central America, would support or at least tolerate their actions in the Falklands.
Anaya had also been encouraged by Britain's Ministry of Defense, which had recently slashed its naval budget, made plans to sell off or scrap a large portion of their vessels and was even considering disbanding the Royal Marine Corps. In his book, “The Falklands War, 1982,” historian Duncan Anderson wrote:
“The announcement that had the greatest impact on the Junta was the MoD's decision to withdraw the Antarctic Protection Vessel Endurance, and not replace her. This ship had not only had a sophisticated intelligence-gathering capability, but was also a highly visible symbol of Britain's determination to retain its interests in the South Atlantic. When these straws in the wind were taken in combination, there was only one conclusion the Junta could reach — that Britain had decided to abandon its territories in the South Atlantic, and would shortly lack the capacity to defend them, even if she were to change her mind.”
On March 19, 1982, elements of the Argentine navy, disguised as civilians, landed on South Georgia Island and raised the Argentine flag. South Georgia Island lay about 700 east of the Falklands but was considered a necessary position to support future military operations. Some in Britain regarded this action with mild amusement, though others saw it for it was: a prelude to an invasion of the Falklands.
On March 31, a British listening station detected Argentine naval transmissions. Argentine naval command ordered its submarine Santa Fe to land elements of the Buzo Tactico, Argentine special forces, ashore not far from Port Stanley, the capital of the Falkland Islands, before dawn on April 2. Anderson wrote:
“Gov. (Sir Rex) Hunt was alerted immediately. In the few hours that remained he and Major Mike Norman, the commander of the Royal Marine detachment, determined to make sure the Argentines experienced something more than token resistance. … Norman fortified Government House on the eastern edge of the Stanley as best he could, and positioned the remainder of his force to cover likely landing beaches.”
Norman had a daunting task trying to defend the city from the coming invasion. His defenders numbered only 68 Marines (twice the normal number under his command, thanks to overlap during a garrison change), as well as 25 Local Defense Force personnel and 11 sailors. Elements of the Buzo Tactico landed at 6 a.m. and met unexpectedly fierce resistance from Norman and his men. The firefight lasted for roughly three and half hours until, overwhelmed by superior numbers, Hunt was forced to surrender. The initial Argentine assault force numbered around 600 men.
Far from being the localized affair and diplomatic fait accompli that the junta had been hoping for, the invasion of the Falklands sent shock waves across the Atlantic, all the way to London. A special session of parliament was called, with both Conservative and Labour MPs in an uproar. Such a violation of British sovereignty and interests had to be addressed. Despite the relative worthlessness of the Falkland Islands to the British, many believed the aggression could not be allowed to stand. To timidly accept Argentina's occupation of the Falklands would be to admit that the sun had finally set upon the British empire. Additionally, and more importantly, it would encourage other aggressor states.
In his book, “The Atlantic and Its Enemies: A History of the Cold War,” historian Norman Stone wrote: “The (Royal Navy) was full of fight, and of course anxious to show that surface ships were still needed. Sir Henry Leach, First Sea Lord, had the qualities to persuade (Prime Minister) Margaret Thatcher that a naval force could and should be sent. … A British expeditionary force was put together with speed and efficiency, and embarked for a campaign, 8,000 miles away.”
The 10 weeks that followed saw a short, sharp war between Britain and Argentina. Argentine aircraft, operating at their extreme range, could contribute little in the way of support to the Argentine defenders of the Falklands. Though the Argentines had stockpiled French-built Exocet missiles, and one was successful in sinking the HMS Sheffield, the weapon proved largely underwhelming, with most modern British vessels able to withstand Exocet attacks. The French also aided the British with methods for evading and jamming the missiles.
The Belgrano, a 30-year old battleship and anchor of the Argentine fleet, was sunk on May 2, killing nearly 400 sailors. The HMS Conqueror had fired the torpedoes — the only time in world history that a nuclear-powered submarine sank a naval vessel in wartime. With the sinking of the Belgrano, the Argentine navy essentially sat out the rest of the war. The end of April saw British forces retaking South Georgia Island. By mid-June the Argentine forces in Stanley had surrendered to the British.
A few days before the end of the conflict, President Ronald Reagan addressed members of Parliament at Westminster. In a speech that was met with wild applause, he said, “On distant islands in the South Atlantic, young men are fighting for Britain. And, yes, voices have been raised protesting their sacrifice for lumps of rock and earth so far away. But those young men aren't fighting for mere real estate. They fight for a cause — for the belief that armed aggression must not be allowed to succeed, and the people must participate in the decisions of government under the rule of law. If there had been firmer support for that principle some 45 years ago, perhaps our generation wouldn't have suffered the bloodletting of World War II.”
Cody K. Carlson holds a master's degree in history from the University of Utah and currently teaches at SLCC. Cody has also appeared on many local stages including Hale Centre Theatre and Off Broadway Theatre. Email: ckcarlson76@gmail.com