On March 28, 1939, Spanish Nationalist forces under the command of Francisco Franco took the city of Madrid after nearly three years of conflict. The Republican loss of the Spanish capital led to the final collapse of the government and Nationalist victory in the Spanish Civil War.
Like many European states during the early 20th century, Spain was divided politically between socialist and more conservative factions. Beginning in the 1920s, the nation saw a series of military dictators who exercised control with the approval of the king, Alfonso XIII. With the regime unable to counter unemployment and economic problems, the people demanded free elections and less autocratic rule.
Alfonso consented to open elections in 1931. The result was a massive victory for liberal republicans and socialists, who quickly proclaimed a republic. Alfonso fled Spain and eventually settled in Rome. A provisional government was formed that initially enjoyed great popularity throughout Spain, but many came to believe that the new government was going to begin persecutions against members of the Catholic Church, which historically had played a central role in Spanish politics. When some workers went on strike, the new regime used the military to repress the labor unions. For many, the new republican government seemed little better than the old monarchy.
The next few years saw Spain slide slowly into Civil War, with many (mostly on the political left) supporting the government, while many unreconstructed monarchists joined the growing Falange movements, which increasingly resembled the Italian Fascist Party and the German National Socialist Party.
Doubting the loyalty of key military figures, the republican government sent them to overseas and colonial posts. Angry at the dissolution of the monarchy, Franco reluctantly served the republican government in command and staff posts, but was sent to the Canary Islands after various leftist parties saw gains in the February 1936 elections. He soon began conspiring with other generals to overthrow the new government.
In July, Franco formally stated his opposition to the government and intention to destroy it. Though roughly a third of Spain itself flocked to his banner, and he was able to unite a considerable portion of the military and its officers to his cause, one critical problem remained. Most of the pro-Franco military units were in the colonies, and the navy remained loyal to the republican government. Sending emissaries to Germany, Franco convinced Adolf Hitler to send aircraft that could ferry his troops back to Spain.
Now styling themselves Nationalists, the rebels soon received military support not only from Germany, but also from fascist Italy. The Republicans, as those who supported the government were known, held much of central and eastern Spain, including the capital, Madrid. They, too, began receiving aid from allies like the Soviet Union, though considerably less than their rivals were receiving from foreign allies. Soon, however, leftists from all over Europe flocked to Spain to fight the fascists.
Many Americans traveled to Spain to take up arms against Franco as well, and formed the famous Abraham Lincoln Brigade. Ernest Hemingway reported on the war for American newspapers, and his 1940 novel “For Whom the Bell Tolls” is based on his experiences. English journalist and writer Eric Blair (aka George Orwell) also went to Spain as a reporter, though quickly joined one of the many leftist military organizations. His disgust for the political infighting between communist groups, and the Soviet Union in particular, is detailed in his brilliant 1938 memoir of the war, “Homage to Catalonia,” and eventually led to his satirical novels “Animal Farm” and “1984.”
The war saw periods of ebb and flow, as one side gained an advantage in one location only to lose it in another. Atrocities were committed on both sides. As the conflict progressed, however, the Republicans couldn't match the material and military support that the Nationalists were receiving from their allies. In particular, the German Luftwaffe's Condor Legion proved particularly effective at bombing Republican positions.
The bombing of Guernica in April 1937 killed hundreds of people, mostly civilians, and led to outrage from around the world. Among others, the bombing was condemned by U.S. President Franklin Roosevelt and future British Prime Minister Winston Churchill (two men who would authorize the mass bombing of German civilian targets only a few years later during World War II.)
As Nationalists gained ground, the Republicans became more desperate for international support. In the book, “The Dark Valley: A Panorama of the 1930s,” historian Piers Brendon wrote:
“Elaborate efforts were made to play down the revolutionary aspects of Republican life, to conceal the vicious in-fighting between factions and to portray the conflict as a struggle between fascism and democracy. … To add to the confusion, truth was often mixed with falsehood and foresight with fantasy. The most insistent warning broadcast from Republican Spain was that 'the armies marching on Madrid, Barcelona and Valencia are also marching against London, Paris and Washington.’ ”
With Madrid in danger, the Republican capital was soon relocated to Valencia, and then to Barcelona. In January 1939, Barcelona fell to Franco's forces, and he prepared to move on Madrid, which still maintained its symbolic importance as the heart of the country, as well as being the last major Republican stronghold.
Republican Prime Minister Juan Negrín, who had advocated a truce for several months, began aggressively sending peace feelers out. Historian Gabriele Ranzato stated in his book, “The Spanish Civil War,” that Negrín simply did not appreciate just how far the military situation had deteriorated. Negrín called for three conditions for peace: Spanish freedom from foreign domination, (a Republican fear that Germany and Italy would wield considerable power over a post-civil war Spain); an institutional plebiscite, to determine Spain's political future; and a guarantee that the Nationalists would not seek reprisals against the Republicans. Ultimately, however, Negrín only insisted upon the last point.
In February, England and France recognized the Nationalists as the legitimate governing body of Spain. By this point, those around the prime minister didn't believe he could end the war on any favorable terms, and soon a coup was launched. Negrín fled across the border to France on March 6. Seeing victory in his sights, Franco insisted on unconditional surrender of the Republican forces. In late March, Franco's forces launched a major offensive against the capital.
In the book, “The Battle for Spain: The Spanish Civil War: 1936-1939,” historian Antony Beevor wrote: “The first nationalist troops to enter Madrid were those on the Casa de Campo front on the morning of 28 March. Later, at midday, a column led by General Espinosa de lose Monteros arrived, followed by trucks with food and 200 justice officials and military police who, assisted by the Falange, began to take part in the repression of the defeated. On balconies the flag of 'Old Spain' appeared, while fifth columnists rushed out into the streets, shouting nationalist slogans with their right arm raised in the Falangist salute.”
Within a few days, Franco's forces had mopped up the last pockets of resistance to Nationalist rule and declared victory. Pope Pius XII sent Franco a congratulatory telegram, and many throughout Europe breathed a sigh of relief that the communists had not taken over Spain, though they were wary of Franco's new government and its ties to Germany and Italy.
In the wake of the Nationalist victory, the regime authorized thousands of reprisal executions against Republican enemies, and many suspected of Republican sympathies. Total non-military executions during and after the war from both sides reached perhaps as many as 100,000, with some speculating that the figure is far higher. As Spain's new dictator, Franco styled himself “Caudillo,” a rough Spanish equivalent of the German “Führer” or the Italian “Duce.”
During World War II, Franco held Spain to a path of neutrality, though it did tend to favor the Axis. Despite pressure from Hitler to join the war (and allow Germany an overland passage to attack the British base at Gibraltar), Franco continually refused, citing Spain's devastation and need to rebuild in the wake of the civil war. Franco's regime lasted until his death in 1975.
Cody K. Carlson holds a master's in history from the University of Utah and teaches at Salt Lake Community College. An avid player of board games, he blogs at thediscriminatinggamer.com. Email: ckcarlson76@gmail.com